Goliath: Life and Loathing in Greater Israel

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Blumenthal gives a convoluted answer that comes down to this: “There should be a choice placed to the settler-colonial population” (meaning the entire Jewish population of Israel): “Become indigenized,” that is, “you have to be part of the Arab world. der Shoa allgegenwärtig, daher kommen solche Vergleiche in einer aufgeheizten politischen Auseinandersetzung durchaus vor. As Blumenthal reveals, Israel has become a country where right-wing leaders like Avigdor Lieberman and Bibi Netanyahu are sacrificing democracy on the altar of their power politics where the loyal opposition largely and passively stands aside and watches the organized assault on civil liberties where state-funded Orthodox rabbis publish books that provide instructions on how and when to kill Gentiles where half of Jewish youth declare their refusal to sit in a classroom with an Arab and where mob violence targets Palestinians and African asylum seekers scapegoated by leading government officials as "demographic threats.

Been denied work permits, they are not allowed to work, and so many of them are living in desperate conditions, in south Tel Aviv, one of the poorest neighborhoods in Tel Aviv, one of the poorest areas in Israel, many of them are sleeping in Levinsky Park, because they can’t make a living. Through his far-ranging travels, Blumenthal illuminates the present by uncovering the ghosts of the past the histories of Palestinian neighborhoods and villages now gone and forgotten; how that history has set the stage for the current crisis of Israeli society; and how the Holocaust has been turned into justification for occupation. The rise of Lieberman more or less demarcates Blumenthal’s temporal focus, though Blumenthal is good about providing contextual analysis to contemporary matters.Because of the curfew, he couldn’t bury her, so he went out in the yard with his bare hands and dug a grave for her. While others see it as a dangerous ideology centring ethno-supremacy and the marginalisation of the land’s indigenous Palestinian population. Because the mood of the Israeli public, particularly young Jewish Israelis was one of frustration with an endless peace process. These are the terms used by Jewish and Palestinian activists to describe the situation in Israel and the occupied territories.

THE seed was sown in 1977, when Menachem Begin of Likud brought his party to power for the first time in a stunning election victory over Labor.As his journey deepens, he painstakingly reports on the occupied Palestinians challenging schemes of demographic separation through unarmed protest. Kach, [12] [13] Tehiya [14] [15] and the National Religious Party [16] [17] are parties which supported the idea of a Greater Israel. Greater Israel’ refers to the notion of expanding Israel’s territory and sovereignty to encompass what many Israelis describe as their historic Biblical land. But once you get past spell-checks and gotchas (for the record, Blumenthal refers to poet Allen Ginsberg as “Alan”; mentions the Canaanite god Moloch, from a Ginsberg poem, as “Mollock”; describes the moshav, a small-holders’ farming village, as a “collective farm,” and much, much more) the critics’ main complaint seems to be that Alterman’s review is the only one that’s appeared in print so far.