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The German Dictatorship: The Origins, Structure And Consequences of National Socialism

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Mr Bracher will stay until April, during which time the board will undertake the process of appointing a new chief executive.

The complaints about democracy and liberalism that Bracher examined in The German Dictatorship find echoes in our own time. Our institutions are far more stable than those of the Weimar Republic, but the appeal of authoritarianism and conspiracy-theorizing is growing in Western politics. Therefore Bracher’s work on how democracy was destroyed in Germany in the 1930s remains uncomfortably relevant. Moreover, the era of totalitarian ideology and politics did not end with the collapse of Communism in Europe. Using Bracher’s criteria, it continues, most importantly in the Islamist movements that have fueled the terrorism of recent decades. Totalitarianism has changed both its geographical location and its cultural coordinates, but in its inhumanity and irrationality it merits comparison with its 20th-century predecessors. Here, too, Karl Bracher’s work will remain important for years to come both for historians of the Nazi and Communist dictatorships and for advocates of liberal democracy in a world that faces multiple illiberal challenges. [75] Honors [ edit ] In a statement, the RDA board announced Mr Bracher’s resignation with “both sadness and gratitude”. In his first major study, Die Auflösung der Weimarer Republik: Eine Studie der Machtverfall in der Demokratie (The Dissolution of the Weimar Republic: A Study of the Collapse of Power in Democracy, 1955), Bracher drew attention to forceful anti­democratic currents, especially on the German Right, and the resulting political decisions that destroyed the Republic and brought Hitler into power. With Wolfgang Sauer and Gerhard Schutz, he probed those issues in more detail in a 1960 monograph, The National Socialist Seizure of Power: Studies in the Establishment of Totalitarian Domination in Germany, 1933–1934 (Westdeutscher Verlag, 1960). Bracher and his co-authors examined the Nazi abuses of the institutions of democracy to destroy democracy, the political blunders of their contemporaries that made it possible, and the actual seizure of power in the first year of the regime. A chapel of rest, dedicated in 1964 at a ceremony conducted by the then Archdeacon of Dorset, Edward Leslie Seager, is available for you to visit your loved one in a peaceful and private environment.Herf, Jeffery (22 September 2011). "Karl Dietrich Bracher (1922–2016)". The American Interest . Retrieved 5 October 2015. Whatever type of funeral you choose, whether it is religious or non-religious, traditional or contemporary, we can both organise it and tailor the service to your own preferences, ensuring it is a personal occasion truly reflective of your loved one’s life. For the past 20 years, the firm has focused on delivering a highly personalised, 360 degree legal service that places people over profits. As a result, the practice has built a reputation for excellence among clients, staff and peers alike.

Wendezeiten der Geschichte: Historisch-politische Essays, 1987–1992, 1992, translated into English Turning Points In Modern Times: Essays On German and European History, translated by Thomas Dunlap; with a foreword by Abbott Gleason, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1995, ISBN 0-674-91354-X. Another book that could well serve the same purpose, though far more specialized, is Gerhard L. Weinberg’s The Foreign Policy of Hitler’s Germany, the first of several projected volumes of what will surely be the definitive study of its subject. Professor Weinberg, who teaches history at the University of Michigan and has written extensively on Nazi Germany, has likewise produced a work of meticulous scholarship; and again like Bracher, he too sees Hitler’s domestic and foreign policies as interconnected and as functions of Nazi ideology.

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In Bracher's view, Hitler's rise was not inevitable, and the primary responsibility for the Chancellorship being given to Hitler on 30 January 1933 rested with the Kamarilla of President Paul von Hindenburg. [42] Bracher wrote that had Hindenburg chosen differently from that the path that he did chose by appointing Hitler chancellor on 30 January 1933 that German history would easily gone in a completely different direction, thus meaning that even though Hindenburg died in 1934, he must bear ultimate responsibility for everything that happened between 1933–45, for the appointment of Hitler was a purely a gratuitous act on Hindenburg's part that he did not have to do. [42] However, Bracher argued that once Hitler had obtained power, he used his authority to carry out a comprehensive revolution that politically destroyed both Hitler's opponents such as the SPD and his allies such as the DNVP who sought to “tame” the Nazi movement. [42] Bracher argued that because Hitler was so central to the Nazi movement that it led to the fate of National Socialism being so intertwined with Hitler's fate that it is right, as noted above, to speak of National Socialism as Hitlerism, and hence justifying Hitler's place in history as a person who by their actions decisively brought about events that otherwise would not had occurred. [43] In addition, Bracher maintained that the importance of Hitler derived from his being the most effective exponent of an extremely radical type of racist German nationalism, which allowed for ideas that otherwise would be ignored by historians coming to a terrible fruition. [43]

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